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Some time ago; there was a question about how the 
Austrian School of economics differed from
the other schools of economic thought.  Here's 
an article on that subject.
 
Chas
====
 
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Subject: An Austrian in Grad School: Confronting the Mainstream 


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An 
Austrian in Grad School: Confronting the Mainstream 


By Robert 
P. Murphy
[Posted August 
1, 2003]
<A 
href=""><IMG 
align=right alt="" border=0 
src="">Because of their minority 
status, most budding Austrian economists must endure graduate training in the 
mainstream orthodoxy before earning their Ph.D.s. As a recent graduate of New 
York University, I thought it might be useful to highlight some of the major 
differences I perceived between Austrian economics and the neoclassical, New 
Keynesian paradigm. The following list is by no means exhaustive, nor do I claim 
that it represents the essential tenets of Austrian theory. However, I hope my 
discussion will encourage current graduate students to keep their spirits up and 
finish their dissertations.
<FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>I. MethodThe most obvious difference between the 
Austrians and the mainstream is the choice of method. The Austrians start from 
the fact that human beings act purposively to achieve their subjectively chosen 
ends. From this "action axiom" the Austrians (in the tradition of Ludwig von 
Mises) derive as many implications as possible. So long as the deductive chains 
of reasoning are free from error, the conclusions reached are a priori 
true, containing as much validity as a proof in Euclidean geometry.
The mainstream, in 
contrast, practices economics by the construction of simplified models of the 
world. From the outset, unrealistic assumptions are made when establishing the 
"laws" governing behavior in the artificial world being studied. Typical models 
contain either one or a continuum ("uncountably infinite" number) of agents, who 
usually live forever and have the selfish preferences mocked by critics of the 
homo economicus view of man. Macro models will very often have only one 
or two goods in the entire economy.
The justification 
for such admittedly unrealistic assumptions is a pragmatic one; because the 
mainstream economist is concerned primarily with the determination of 
equilibrium states in the model, the equations describing such states 
cannot be too difficult to solve. Appeal is often made to the natural sciences, 
and above all else to physics, where simpler models are sought which best 
"approximate" the results of Nature. On this point, all I will say is that the 
Austrians <FONT 
face="Verdana, Helvetica" size=2>have certainly devoted more careful 
thought than the mainstream to 
the methodological problems involved. The Austrians have argued that economics 
is an entirely new branch of science, whose problems are not at all suitable for 
the approach of physicists.
II. 
Individual ChoiceIf you study Austrian economics, you will 
learn that a central tenet of the school is methodological individualism. 
This means that for an Austrian, an "explanation" of an economic phenomenon must 
ultimately start from the choices of individual actors. This doesn't mean that 
Austrians only focus on "micro" phenomena; indeed, many of the most important 
Austrian insights involve macro problems such as unemployment and inflation. 
Nonetheless, even here the Austrian always couches his analysis in terms of the 
incentives and behavior of the typical individual, in order to understand the 
aggregate effects that require explanation.
On a formal level, 
the neoclassical mainstream too involves the individual and his subjective 
preferences. An equilibrium state (in a market setting) is defined as a set of 
prices and behaviors for each agent such that every agent maximizes his utility, 
given his budget and the (exogenous) prices. However, notice that even at this 
stage there is a problem:  If everyone acts as a "price taker," i.e. if 
everyone takes market prices as data to which behavior must be adjusted, then 
how do these prices get established in the first place?<A 
href="" id=_ftnref1 
name=_ftnref1 title=""><SPAN 
class=MsoFootnoteReference><FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>[1]<FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>,<A href="" 
id=_ftnref2 name=_ftnref2 title=""><SPAN 
class=MsoFootnoteReference><FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>[2]
On this point, 
another difference between the Austrians and the mainstream is the latter's 
focus on indifference. In an equilibrium state, an agent in a 
neoclassical model is indifferent to any small change in his consumption 
decisions; an extra penny spent on any available good (so long as the agent has 
purchased at least some of the good in question) will yield the same increment 
in utility. The Austrians, in contrast, stress that human action involves the 
choice of a over b, where alternative a must be 
strictly preferred (as demonstrated by the choice itself).
Beyond this, 
however, there is another sense in which the mainstream focuses on indifference. 
This occurs when, because of the assumptions going into the model, the analyst 
wants to ensure that no trading takes place. In these cases, the goal of 
the analyst is to find the prices necessary to ensure that the individual agent 
(who doesn't care about the economy-wide constraints) doesn't want to 
trade.
For example, I had a 
macro exam question in which there was only a single, perishable consumption 
good; in this world, physical saving was impossible. Moreover, all agents were 
identical, and so there was no room for intertemporal exchange at all. The 
question asked, "What is the equilibrium interest rate in this economy?"  
The answer was to find the interest rate at which every (identical) agent would 
be happy to consume his endowments every period, rather than altering his 
consumption path through exchange (which was impossible by 
stipulation).
In another exam 
question, I was told that a single agent owned a tree, which would periodically 
yield fruit (the consumption good). The question asked the equilibrium price of 
a share to the tree. Inasmuch as there were no other agents who could buy 
the tree, this seemed an odd question. But again, the point was to find the 
price of a share such that the agent would be indifferent between selling 
ownership of the tree (to a nonexistent second party) versus retaining ownership 
and consuming the flow of fruit dividends.
III. 
MoneyIf I could pick just one area of economic theory in which 
the mainstream is weakest, it would be money. Simply put, there is no role for 
money whatsoever in the typical mainstream model. In a hyper-rich general 
equilibrium model, there are markets for every conceivable good, in every period 
of time, in every possible state of the world, and agents have either perfect 
foresight or rational expectations (in which there is no systematic bias in 
predictions). In this setting, there is no need for a unit of account or medium 
of exchange, because all future actions can be specified (perhaps contingent on 
random events) in the initial period. On the other hand, grossly simplified 
macro models contain only one or two goods, and hence render a medium of 
exchange superfluous.
Naturally, the 
mainstream models (especially macro ones) do contain money; there is 
simply no other way to deal with issues such as inflation and Federal Reserve 
policy. But in order to get the agents of the model to hold money, all 
sorts of ad hoc assumptions are employed. For example, the desire for liquidity 
might be built right into an agent's utility function, so that cash itself gives 
satisfaction the same way owning a Picasso might. Another approach is to assume 
"cash-in-advance constraints," in which the agent needs a certain amount of 
money in order to complete transactions.
The problem with 
these remedies, of course, is that in the world of the neoclassical model, there 
is generally no reason for an agent to gain utility from money, or for 
firms to insist on cash-in-advance. This problem casts doubt on the use of the 
models themselves; how do we know that "optimal" Fed policy in the model will 
translate into the real world, when the true function of money is absent in the 
model?
In contrast to the 
ad hoc approach of the mainstream, the Austrians have a solid grasp of the place 
of monetary theory in economics. Indeed, even an unbiased historian of economic 
thought would acknowledge that <A 
href=""><FONT 
face="Verdana, Helvetica" size=2>Ludwig von Mises was one of the earliest and 
strongest proponents of a 
unified theory of exchange, in which marginal utility analysis explained not 
only the valuation of consumption goods, but of units of money as 
well.
IV. 
TimeAnother huge difference between the Austrians and the 
mainstream is the former's emphasis on time. Although the mainstream has 
improved considerably on this issue&#8212;most notably in the work of Sir John 
Hicks&#8212;nonetheless the Austrians have a superior grasp of the time 
structure of production. Austrian theory does not avoid the heterogeneity of 
capital goods, and the tremendous problems this heterogeneity poses for 
long-term coordination of production and consumption plans.
The typical 
mainstream macro model, in contrast, still assumes that there is a single good, 
serving as both capital and consumption,<A 
href="" id=_ftnref3 
name=_ftnref3 title=""><SPAN 
class=MsoFootnoteReference><FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>[3] and 
that the entire body of produced means of production in an economy can be 
summarized by a single number indicating the "capital stock."  Moreover, it 
is typical to "solve" macro models not merely by calculating the equilibrium 
state, but the equilibrium steady state, i.e. a position in which all 
actions repeat themselves, every period, forever. It is quite rare indeed for 
the mainstream economist to consider the convergence path to such steady states 
(or to consider the adverse consequences of various government policies during 
the adjustment period).
V. 
InstitutionsBecause of the Austrians' more modest view of the 
capabilities of human computation and foresight, there is a far greater role for 
institutional analysis in the Austrian paradigm. Earlier I explained that the 
institution of money itself cannot be easily analyzed from a neoclassical point 
of view. The issue, however, is not merely technical. Failure to understand the 
role of money can have profound political implications.
The best example 
is <FONT 
face="Verdana, Helvetica" size=2>Ludwig von Mises's famous critique of 
socialism. Mises argued that 
without market prices for the means of production, socialist planners&#8212;even if 
they were truly benevolent and wished only to help their subjects&#8212;could not 
rationally allocate resources. Mainstream economists eventually conceded that 
some system of "prices" would be necessary in a socialist State, but felt that 
the government could still retain formal ownership of all capital goods. Hayek 
and others argued that the proposals of "market socialism" would still fail, and 
with the demise of the Soviet Union many academics began to take the Austrians 
seriously.
In my own 
experience, I realized the mainstream's failure to understand institutional 
differences during a lecture from a mathematical economist. He was explaining a 
puzzle that had arisen with the use of a certain type of production function. If 
I recall correctly, the problem was that the relationships between interest 
rates, capital per worker, and GDP were not consistent between the United States 
and the Soviet Union.
One possible 
explanation was that the U.S. had better technology, but this wasn't 
satisfactory because Soviet plant managers could obviously attend American 
engineering schools. What struck me was that it never even occurred to the 
professor, or to the students who offered suggestions, that the fact that one 
system was capitalist and the other communist might have some relevance. 
Instead, they sought a purely technical solution to the apparent 
paradox.
<FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>VI. Business cycleFinally, the last area of 
comparative advantage for the Austrians I wish to highlight is the business 
cycle. Relying on (in my opinion) their superior understanding of the complexity 
of the capital structure, and of the vital role money prices play in the 
coordination of intertemporal plans, only the Austrian economists can hope to 
offer a satisfactory explanation of the widespread errors that characterize a 
recession.
The Austrians argue 
that recessions are the inevitable outcome of prior booms, in which 
entrepreneurs&#8212;goaded by artificial government reductions in the interest 
rate&#8212;make overly optimistic guesses as to the profitability of their projects. 
In consequence, the entrepreneurs hire labor and buy capital goods for which 
there are insufficient real savings to finance. When the entrepreneurs realize 
their errors, they attempt to scale back their plans, and the widespread 
occurrence of this adjustment is what we know as a recession.
The mainstream, in 
contrast, offers Keynesian models in which the economy becomes trapped in a 
state of insufficient demand, or real business cycle models in which "technology 
shocks" cause recessions. Aside from the inherent problems with these models, 
there remains the empirical failure of the mainstream advisors to prevent 
recessions with their "scientific" management of the economy.
<FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>ConclusionThe above points focus on some of the 
major differences between Austrian and neoclassical economics. I have been harsh 
with my treatment of the mainstream, but I believe my criticism has been fair. 
It is true that there are many areas (e.g. game theory) in which the formal 
rigor of the mainstream allows for precision that the verbal approach of the 
Austrians cannot provide. However, when it comes to the central and crucial 
areas of economic theory, I still believe that the Austrian school offers the 
best foundation for a young economist.<FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>



Robert Murphy 
is a recent graduate of New York University. He will be teaching economics at 
Hillsdale College in the Fall. <A 
href=""><FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>robert_p_murphy@xxxxxxxxx




<A 
href="" id=_ftn1 
name=_ftn1 title=""><SPAN 
class=MsoFootnoteReference><FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>[1] This 
is not merely an Austrian quibble; even noted theorist Frank Kahn has recognized 
the logical problems involved. See his "General Equilibrium Theory," in The 
Crisis in Economic Theory, Daniel Bell and Irving Kristol, eds., New York: 
Basic Books, Inc., 1981.
<A 
href="" id=_ftn2 
name=_ftn2 title=""><SPAN 
class=MsoFootnoteReference><FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>[2] <A 
href=""><FONT 
face="Verdana, Helvetica">In a previous article<FONT 
face="Verdana, Helvetica" size=2>, I have shown the difficulties of the 
mainstream approach to modeling stock market prices.
<A 
href="" id=_ftn3 
name=_ftn3 title=""><SPAN 
class=MsoFootnoteReference><FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica" 
size=2>[3] I 
explain some of the problems with this <A 
href=""><FONT 
face="Verdana, Helvetica" size=2>procedure in a previous article<FONT 
face="Verdana, Helvetica" size=2>.

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